| In response to Modern Greek (MGr) and Romance languages' studies focusing primarily on argument-related clitic (doubling) constructions (Anagnostopoulou, 1997, 1999; Drachman, 1997; Kalluli, 2000; Terzi, 1999; and Heap and Roberge, 2001; Herschenson, 1980; Jaeggli, 1986; Motapanyane, 1992; Sportiche, 1996), this dissertation renews interest in clitics by investigating some over-looked data of MGr. On the whole, this data manifests three morphosemantically idiosyncratic functions of MGr clitics.; Through an examination of syntactic analyses proposed for Romance languages and MGr, I first establish that only a base-generation analysis can be adopted for MGr clitics. After discussing the syntactic, morphological, and semantic roles argument-related clitics play in doubling as well as Clitic left dislocation constructions, I turn to the first case of morphosemantically, idiosyncratic functions of MGr clitics. This case involves idiomatic constructions with 3rd person accusative Case-bearing clitics having default morphological features, limited syntax, and no semantics whatsoever. Given these general properties, I refer to this type of MGr clitics by the term “deficient/expletive” clitics. Using Chomsky's (1995, 1998, 1999) Minimalist grammatical framework, I propose that such clitics are visible only in the Lexicon, as opposed to argument-related clitics, which are visible in the Lexicon, CC and PF components. I conclude this case by treating the deficient/expletive clitic and the verb as a (lexialized) syntactic unit.; Before turning to the second and third cases of morphosemantically idiosyncratic functions of MGr clitics, I examine a number of constructions attested in Niuean, French, and Italian which involve idiosyncratically behaving clitic elements. Comparisons are drawn between these clitics and those used in MGr idiomatic and argument-related clitic constructions.; The second and third cases of morphosemantically idiosyncratic functions of MGr clitics involve constructions employing what I term “affected” accusative and dative clitics. Both types of clitics have referential properties, are &thetas;-bearing elements, but cannot refer to a full lexical DP. I demonstrate that MGr affected dative clitics are licensed only in the context of monotransitive verbs.; Regarding MGr affected accusative clitics, I show that when they are combined with verbs, which may have both a transitive and an intransitive use, they can partake in the formation of idiomatic constructions.; This dissertation concludes by providing questions for further research into the functions of MGr clitics, and the implications that such research may have for linguistic theory and applied linguistics. |
