Fighting in the pews and fighting in the streets: Protestantism, consciousness, and the eight-hour movement in Chicago, 1867-1912

Past research examining the relationship between Protestantism and industrial reform movements has emphasized the tendency of church leaders to reinforce existing power relationships in industrial society and to oppose organizational attempts to bring about change. While some historical evidence exists to support such a characterization of urban Protestantism, the case of Protestant involvement with the eight-hour movement in nineteenth-century Chicago suggests a more dynamic relationship between American Christianity and industrial reform. This study suggests that Protestantism provided a foundation from which eight-hour reform was articulated in Chicago by both secular and religious reformers alike. Protestant moral traditions, like temperance and the work ethic, as well as biblical narratives and language became ideological resources which were available to, though used in different ways by, workers, employers and clergy to address eight-hour reform. Although clergy were reluctant to leave behind a morality of work for a morality of leisure, concrete knowledge of industrial conditions, increasing disparities between rich and poor in Chicago, disregard for religious values, especially sabbath observance, on the part of employers, and the severity of industrial strife pushed clergy to construct a new Protestant consciousness, expressed in the denominational press, more sympathetic to workers. Reform discourse rooted in Protestantism was also an important feature of the eight-hour movement itself and helped to articulate workers' demands in moral terms. This analysis challenges traditional interpretations of the role of religion in industrial conflicts by focusing on the relative autonomy of religious leaders and their interests in morally assessing eight-hour reform. Ultimately, however, it was the eight-hour movement rather than employers which gained the backing of Chicago clergy. The implications of these findings for the sociology of religion and for social movement theory is also discussed.