| This dissertation examines the syntax of the double object construction in German, English, Norwegian, and Icelandic within the government-binding theory of Chomsky 1981, 1986 b. The main focus is on mechanisms of Case assignment, word order, and binding.;It is argued that the German double object construction is associated with a "layered VP" and that the dative Case is assigned structurally to the indirect object. While this analysis supports Den Besten's (1985) view of the D-structure of the German double object construction, it is argued contra Den Besten that the order DO-IO-V is not derived through VP-internal topicalization of the direct object, but through Focus Movement of the indirect object at PF. Certain facts abut binding which are unexpected under either analysis are also considered.;The layered VP analysis of the German double object construction is defended against an extension of Larson's (1988) transformational analysis of the English double object construction on the basis of the paucity of alternating verbs in German and on the incompatibility of certain word order facts with derived structures. A crucial distinction between GOAL (associated with the oblique construction) and RECIPIENT (associated with the double object construction) roles is proposed.;A non-transformational analysis of the double object construction is also proposed for the SVO languages English, Norwegian, and Icelandic, where binding theoretical considerations suggest that the indirect object must asymmetrically c-command the direct object. The suggestion of Barss and Lasnik 1986 that such verbs take a complement with an empty head is developed. This head is taken to be an empty verb in English and Norwegian, but a verb in certain cases in Icelandic and a preposition in others. Differences in the word order pattern of passives of double object constructions in these languages are analyzed as differences in the level of representation at which a rule coindexing the lexical verb and the empty verb applies and the category of the empty head of the complement. |
