| Chomsky (1981) has proposed the Extended Projection Principle (EPP), regulating that all clauses have a subject. Under the framework of the Minimalist Syntax, Chomsky (1995) has taken it as a strong feature for the sake of case-checking. In the past 30 years, the theoretical status of the EPP has aroused the great dispute among linguists. The advocate assume that in the process of the argument movement the final site and[Spec, IP]must be overtly filled to meet EPP. At the same time they have illustrated this by means of successive cyclicity, ECM, Insertion & Raising of there. However, EPP is just a stipulatory structure and has no independently required mechanism under the framework of the Minimalist Syntax, which results in its redundancy with other independently motivated theories. This paper will deepen into the theoretical motivations of the EPP under the framework of the Minimalist Syntax. Just because merge and immobility are the most economical, these motivations of the EPP have been greatly challenged. Meanwhile, the argument against EPP has been stated by querying the theoretical motivations of EPP (successive cyclicity, ECM, Insertion & Raising of there). Instead, these motivations have been challenged by the assumption of A-chains cancellation, base-generatedness, the immobility of there. Due to the motivations challenged, EPP will lose its explanatory adequacy among languages. In this process, the requirement of EPP that [Spec, IP] should be overtly filled will not be satisfied because these positions in certain cases remain empty, which cannot meet the need of EPP. Moreover, based on the observation of cross-languages such as Irish, Chinese, Icelandic and so on, EPP is not a universal principle but a parameter.Based on the analysis and exploration of this paper, EPP will lose its universal effect under the framework of the Minimalist Syntax. |