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Leaders The Authority And Institutional Growth: The Ideology Of Mao Zedong's People's Congress System And The Practice Of Research

Posted on:2009-01-25Degree:DoctorType:Dissertation
Country:ChinaCandidate:J D YangFull Text:PDF
GTID:1116360272958846Subject:Foreign political system
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Tracing back the history of politics in contemporary China, there is no doubt that Mao Tse-Tung's thought and practice about the System of People's Congress were tremendously opposite before and after of the second half of 1957, which made us can not help thinking why Mao Tse-Tung distroyed the System of People's Congress which he built in person in earlier years. The answer impacts the acessments of not only Mao Tse-Tung himself, but also the whole political system of contemporary China. Furthemore, the answer may also relate to the building of rational relationships between the top leader and the political system in the process of political authority transition in the modern times of China, which may knowledge us the disciplines of building relationships between the top leader and the political system in the process of political development in the world.This desertation concerns on the thought and practice of Mao Tse-Tung about the System of People's Congress, with the analatic instruments of historical-logical analysis, evidential analysis, case analysis, comparative analysis, new-institutional analysis, political-ecological analysis and political psychoanalysis. Based on previous researches on relationships of man and system and rebuilding of Weber's theory on the transition of authority, this disertation tries to build an explanatory frame about the thought and practice of Mao Tse-Tung about the System of People's Congress and to show us a real political picture in which a good trend of charm controlled by legal-rationality results in an opposite trend of charm wearing down legal-rationality. At first, this disertation devides the whole studying period into three phases based on two time points: March 1st 1948 and the second half of 1957. Then it discusses three types of totally different relationships respectively in the three above-mentioned periods of the top leader and the state political system. This disertation discribes the relationships between the top leader and the system respectively in revolutionary period which charicterized by charm forming legal-rationality, in a period that is from March 1st 1948 to the first half of 1957 which charicterized by the interaction between charm and legal-rationality and in a period of after the second half of 1957 which charicterized by charm controlling legal-rationality, especially during the "Cultural Revolution". As we know, the charismatic leader of a revolutional party came up with and brought birth to the System of People's Congress and the forming of the System of People's Congress consolidated the authority of the top leader in turn during the first period. And then the secularizing leader of the ruling party bred the growing of the System of People's Congress and the growing of the System of People's Congress legitimized and institutionalized the secularizing leader of the ruling party in turn during the second period. However, the charismatic leader of a ruling party undermined the variation of the System of People's Congress and the variation of the System of People's Congress succumbed to the charismatic leader of a ruling party in turn during the last period. The disertation gives us its environmental and genetic explaination on the undermentioned phenomenon: the reasons that Mao Tse-Tung could not became a leader controlled by the system and accordingly that we could not expect the institutionalization of the top authoruty at that time are rooted in the legacies of revolution, the legacies of history and the tentions between the function of the top leader and the system frame.This disertation holds that a good trend of charm controlled by legal-rationality results in an opposite trend of charm wearing down legal-rationality in the process of political development in contemporary China has some universal significances. It should be a general and common knowledge that given the top leader simutaniously to be a revolutionary leader and a ruling leader, the transition from a charismatic leader of a revolutional party to a legal-rational leader of a ruling party can not be easily achieved in genaral and the charismatic leader of a revolutional party can posibbly slide into the charismatic leader of a ruling party in a country which is transformed from a revolutionary type to a post-revolutionary one. The solution to this problem can be found through the effective separation of roles as a revolutionary leader and as a ruling leader, ie. every revulutionary party should take as soon as possible the transitional systems including the term, sesssion and retirement of all revolutionary elites, espcially the charismatic leader of the revolutionary party in its post revolutionary period. In a word, to conduct the genaration turnover of the successor to the leaders as soon as possible should be the realistic solution to a better relationship of the leader and the system in a post-revolutionary society.
Keywords/Search Tags:Mao Tse-Tung, The System of People's Congress, Top Leader, System, Authority
PDF Full Text Request
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