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The syntax and morphology of default case

Posted on:1999-09-25Degree:Ph.DType:Dissertation
University:University of FloridaCandidate:Kang, Seung-ManFull Text:PDF
GTID:1466390014969148Subject:Language
Abstract/Summary:
This dissertation investigates some consequences of the theory of default case within the combined theoretical framework of the Minimalist Program and Distributed Morphology. With the former, I endorse the notion that all lexical items may be optionally assigned morphological case features in the lexicon. With the latter, I endorse a “late” insertion of vocabulary items and propose that any lexical items with no case features during the computation are assigned no case features at the PF interface by default.; Since case features are taken to be erased once they are checked in the minimalist theory, the final destination of DPs in movement should be a position where their case features are checked. This in turn implies that DPs without case features are not stuck in a given position and can move further for feature checking. I argue that this is evidenced by the availability of “superraising,” the phenomena of which are found across languages.; Superraising, in this dissertation, takes place in two circumstances; the subject of a finite embedded clause moves out of a finite CP boundary, and a nonsubject DP moves beyond the subject of an embedded clause to the matrix position as one instance of ECM raising. Superraising is made possible by a default case mechanism on a par with the availability of double Specs of a single head H, in which an outer Spec of H serves as an escape hatch in the sense of Ura.; I illustrate the phenomenon of superraising in various constructions such as subject-to-subject raising (SSR) constructions, double nominative constructions, and dative subject constructions (DSCs). The subject of a finite embedded clause may raise into the subject position of the matrix clause across a finite CP boundary in SSR constructions. The THEME object in DSCs can be ECMed beyond the EXPERIENCER subject; it first raises into an outer Spec of the embedded T and then into the Spec of the matrix n in order to have its accusative case feature checked. Raising in these instances is made possible by the default case mechanism, by virtue of which the raised element is not stuck in the Spec of the embedded T and moves further to the matrix position. This is where the default case mechanism finds its explanatory power, and thus it contributes to building a new insight into licensing DPs by the EPP, not by abstract case.
Keywords/Search Tags:Case
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