An Optimality-Theoretic Account Of The Retroflex Suffix-Triggered Stem Alternation In Mandarin Chinese

This thesis aims at providing a formal account of the retroflex suffix-triggered stem alternation in Mandarin Chinese within the framework of Optimality Theory (OT, following McCarthy & Prince 1993a, Prince & Smolensky 1993). OT assumes that the grammar of a particular language is a hierarchy of universal and violable constraints. The present research supports this view by demonstrating that all of the stem alternation follows from the interaction of a hierarchy of general constraints.The analysis of the syllable structure and segmental structure is analytically crucial and theoretically relevant to this research. Analytically, syllable structure and segmental structure, as two important components of the structural system of Mandarin Chinese, provide structural basis to the present research. Theoretically, it concerns the question of whether the non-linear representation model of segmental structure and syllable structure is compatible to be combined with OT.Based on these considerations, to begin with, a systematic assumption made concerning the underlying representation of the vowel inventory and segmental structure of the retroflex suffix is given. I propose an underspecification-based representation of the underlying vowel inventory of Mandarin Chinese that consists of six monophthongs and claim that there are no real diphthongs and the traditionally-transcribed falling diphthongs are in fact VC sequences. The retroflex suffix is assumed to be a complex segment with two articulators, i.e. Coronal and Dorsal. With respect to the syllable structure, I follow the assumption that a syllable consists of an onset and a rhyme. Based on comparison between well-formed and ill-formed syllables in Mandarin Chinese, we find that Mandarin doesnot allow consonant clusters in coda position.The thesis proceeds to discuss constraints required in accounting for the retroflex suffix-induced stem alternation and concludes that the complexities in stem alternation result from the interaction of the following constraints. The ranking of the constraints is given below.*CC]a,ALIGN-R>> MAX [dor] & MAX [+nasal], MAX-IO>>AGR(back)>> *V, MAX-IO(F)>>MAX [cor] & MAX [+nasal]The constraints in the undominated position (one is markedness constraint, the other is alignment constraint) are never violated. Under the pressure not to violate the two constraints, different phonological processes involved in the stem alternation are triggered by violating the lower-ranked constraints. One theoretical finding exhibited is that constraints of morphological well-formedness, syllable structure and segmental structure are ranked in a single hierarchy which reflects the formalization of a well-accepted OT's assumption that the structures of different categories interact in a grammar. The analysis also shows that how a complex system of processes, all in service of the two undominated constraints, can be brought under grammatical control through the interaction of constraints. This is a typical case of conspiracy and could not be satisfactorily explained in pre-OT generative phonology. However, in OT, unity in diversity among processes is a natural prediction which reflects its explanatory superiority. This research also demonstrates that the configuration of representation is not trivial but significantly involved in OT. Thus, a deeper understanding of the configuration of representation should be conducted in order to be better combined with OT and increase the explanatory power of OT.