Why should you recognize us?: Somaliland's Pursuit of Recognition via Adherence to International Norms and Law

Somaliland declared its independence from the Somali Democratic Republic on 18 May 1991 after three decades of political marginalization, more than a decade of political repression and three years of brutal civil war. Nearly a quarter of a century later, the de facto state of Somaliland remains internationally unrecognized, while its population accepts its independence and its leaders continue to their pursuit of international recognition. Advances made by Somaliland include the institutionalization of governance and democratization, a referendum on independence and the constitution in 2001, effective domestic security and relatively strong human rights protections.;This dissertation analyzes the actions taken and arguments made by leading Somalilanders to ensure Somaliland's self-determination and de facto independence, its statehood, and ultimately its international recognition. Having collected extensive primary data during more than 100 interviews with Somalilanders active in civil society or government over the last quarter of a century, I consider why they have made the choices and decisions that have contributed to a strong, stable quasi-democracy in the Horn of Africa.;Powerful African and global actors have privileged and continue to privilege attention to Somalia over Somaliland based on regional security concerns and political interests, while ignoring the arguments of Somaliland's leaders, the actions they have taken and the resulting facts on the ground. Why have Somaliland's government and non-governmental leaders invested so much in pursuit of stability, development and democratization? I argue that their actions have in large part been intended to meet the criteria of international norms and laws on statehood, as they perceive necessary to achieve international recognition of Somaliland as a de jure independent state.;Somaliland may be considered an unlikely place for the development of democracy. One only has to consider the lack of stability and political development in South Central Somalia to appreciate the difficulty of establishing a democratically run government in the Horn of Africa. Nevertheless, Somaliland has experienced remarkable success in this regard. Its leaders embarked on a series of initiatives to build and strengthen democratization and governance in large part as result of its efforts to gain international recognition of de facto independence. How and why did leaders in Somaliland seek to adhere to international norms and laws on self-determination, independence and statehood by pursuing stability, democratization and development?;I have situated my research on this topic in the troubled history of the Somali people since European colonization, considered the impact of southern Somali administrations and the Somali Civil War, and spoken with many Somalilanders who fought for and won de facto independence and subsequently worked to consolidate Somaliland as an independent state. Paradoxically, Somaliland has stabilized, developed and democratized under very inauspicious circumstances. Though its leaders remain unsuccessful in achieving their ultimate goal of international recognition, they have in the process succeeded in building a cohesive nation state out of multiple clan families, while making significant strides toward the consolidation of state institutions, public security, human rights, economic development, and democratic governance, using distinctly Somali means toward these ends. In this chapter I describe my primary research questions, delineate the specific international norms informing the actions of Somaliland's leaders since 1991, place these in historical context, and consider alternative explanations in answer to my primary questions.;In the first decade of de facto independence, from 1991-2001, Somaliland's leaders focused on cross-clan reconciliation and the need to build the institutional foundations of governance, including a bi-cameral parliament, an effective executive, a multi-level judicial system and domestic and international security forces, as well as humanitarian assistance for returning refugees and emerging economic development. In 2001, Somaliland held a national referendum on a constitution and de facto independence. Since that time Somaliland's leaders have made further strides toward stability, democracy and economic development, despite its unrecognized status and in contrast with South Central Somalia. While so doing, both Somaliland's government and non-governmental leaders have followed models of western governments, as well as models of African states which sought or won independence before them. They have also deeply integrated into their state-building project the fundamental and evolving principles of regional and international norms and law on statehood, in large part as a means of demonstrating adherence to criteria under these norms, and thereby Somaliland's suitability for international recognition. They have demonstrated popular will in support of de facto independence, as well as their institutional achievements.;Somaliland's leaders have also compared themselves with their neighbors on the continent, particularly to Eritrea, South Sudan, South Central Somalia, Puntland and the Somali region of Ethiopia (the Ogaden). And they have considered the principles named in the reports of two AU assessments of Somaliland, in contrast with the powerful pull of Uti Possidetis Juris in Sub-Saharan Africa. But they have perhaps given insufficient attention to date to the claims of Somaliland's ethnic minorities and its human rights advocates in relation to their choices of norms most necessary to their pursuit of international recognition.;Chapter three consists of a review of the foundational literature on Somaliland, literature on democratization, de facto states, and literature on norms of self-determination, independence, statehood and international recognition of states, and the influence of these norms. In this chapter I also consider the perspectives and arguments of Somaliland government and non-governmental leaders on Somaliland's adherence to international norms and law.;Chapter four describes my research and my status as researcher, including at times as participant observer, focusing on my design and methods. It describes challenges I encountered, my analysis of data, and specific ethical considerations. In it I also describe my sources and my means of data collection.;Chapter five focuses on findings based on several core questions posed in interviews conducted from 2006-2012 with Somalilanders from the executive branch of government, parliament, three main political parties, prominent civil society organizations, the media, minority communities, and the troubled eastern province of Sool. These questions were designed to expose and illuminate the thinking of these spokespeople, as Somalilanders, on Somaliland's achievement of credible de facto independence, and its subsequent establishment as a stable, sustainable nation state, in fact an evolving democracy, in relation to international norms. This collective narrative begins with reasons for the decision to pursue independence, and traces through some of the key points during the last quarter century of leadership, policy decisions and political and economic growth in relation to Somaliland's quest for international recognition.;Analyzing primary and secondary data on the history of Somaliland parallel to that of Somalia, since decolonization through the Somali Civil War, I focus on Somaliland's decades-long state formation through the perspectives, arguments and actions of my informants themselves. I consider the impact of colonial trajectories, national self-identification, political repression and armed conflict on the unusual path chosen and followed by Somaliland's liberators up to 1991, then its representative leaders thereafter. I disaggregate my data on Somalilander views on evolving norms in relation to clan influence, traditional decision-making processes and norms of governance, diaspora support, security challenges, and other societal factors, as these are deeply relevant to Somaliland's adherence to international norms of statehood, and Somaliland's leaders have given each of them serious attention as they continue to pursue international recognition.;This chapter also addresses the influence of the African Union, United Nations, and Ethiopia and Egypt's conflict over rights to the Nile, as context for Somaliland leaders' choices to take actions and its people's support bolstering de facto independence and the pursuit of international recognition. I conclude this chapter noting my assumption of Somaliland's de facto independence as a functioning state.;Chapter six considers the reasons why certain populations of Somalilanders---minority groups, those from the disputed eastern regions of Sool and Sanaag, and some human rights activists---challenge Somaliland's right to unconditional international recognition of independence, a finding which simultaneously complicates the government's claim and influences its decisions.;In this chapter I report data from both supporters of and detractors from Somaliland's quest for international recognition, how Somaliland's leaders have marshalled popular support in relation to international norms, and where they have failed to do so sufficiently.;Chapter seven considers several specific areas in which international norms of self-determination have impacted the decisions of Somaliland's leaders, based on specific criteria. It begins by further disaggregating relevant categories of norms, then cites interview data and other evidence of actions taken in relation to these norms, with a focus on demonstration of popular will and consolidation of territorial integrity.;This dissertation ends with a summary of findings in relation to several key conclusions: (1) Somaliland's leaders have taken significant steps toward meeting what they perceive to be the fundamental norms of self-determination and statehood required by members of the international community to grant Somaliland recognition. (2) Such actions explain not only the establishment of democratic institutions and Somaliland's 1991 referendum, they also allow us to better understand tensions among security concerns, human rights and development in Somaliland's capital and eastern regions. (3) While international norms have yet to be used by key actors to resolve Somaliland's international status, Somaliland's government has gone to great lengths to meet the criteria for self-determination, independence, statehood and potential international recognition as described in current norms and law.