Semantics Of Existential You-Sentences In Mandarin Chinese

This thesis mainly explores the syntactic structure and semantic properties of the existential you-sentences in Mandarin Chinese, and also the Definiteness Effect exhibited in existential you-sentences. Based on the related theories and hypotheses done by the previous linguists, we attempt to solve the following four major questions in our study: (i) what are the syntactic structure and semantic interpretation of existential you-sentences in Mandarin; (ii) what kind of NPs may occur in postverbal position as existential NP; (iii) Does Mandarin existential you-sentences exhibit the Definiteness Effect; (iv) how to derive the Definiteness Effect observed in existential you-sentences?Previous studies concerning about Mandarin existential sentences are mainly done in the framework of syntax, semantics or pragmatics. This thesis, however, holds that the Mandarin existential sentences and the Definiteness Effect are not a simplex matter of syntax, semantics or pragmatics. Instead, it is the interface between syntax and semantics that concerns. Therefore, in order to interpret existential you-sentences and the Definiteness Effect in a better way, we will take the collective functions of syntax and semantics into account.We describe the linear syntactic structure of existential you-sentences in Mandarin as (NPLoc.) + you + NP + (XP).The XP does not form a constituent with the postverbal NP, instead, they are syntactically independent. Semantically, the property represented by the XP and the property expressed by the locative NP in subject position determine the properties of the denotation of the existential NP. Therefore, on the basis of the principle of compositionality and the theory of Boolean semantics, we further claim that the semantic interpretation of existential you-sentences in Mandarin should be [[(NPLoc.) NP (XP)] exist].We argue that existential you-sentences do exhibit the Definiteness Effect. The Definiteness Effect can be accounted for by the formal properties of postverbal NPs: only the basic intersective NPs and the complex NPs formed from basic intersective ones are licensed, while the non-intersective are not. The Definiteness Effect, however, can be violated systematically. We account for the violation of the Definiteness Effect by the term of discourse referent. When the existence of a new entity is introduced, the Definiteness Effect is observed, while when the existence of a new event or membership relation is asserted, the Definiteness Effect may be violated.