Anaphora in Mandarin Chinese and binding at the interface

This thesis studies (1) the reflexives in Mandarin Chinese along with Binding Condition A effects; and (2) antecedent-contained deletion (ACD) constructions, especially Mandarin Chinese clausal comparatives (MCCCs), along with Binding Condition C effects.; From the macroscopic aspect, our investigation of Mandarin Chinese reflexives suggests that a fundamental distinction must be drawn to distinguish syntactic reflexives (anaphors) from discourse-pragmatic reflexives. We propose and defend the hypothesis that the syntax/pragmatics dividing line between anaphors and discourse-pragmatic reflexives is the traditional GC as in Huang (1983). The set of discourse-pragmatic reflexives is composed of logophors and intensive pronouns.; From the microscopic aspect, our study of the bare reflexive ziji ‘self’ and its complex counterpart ta-ziji ‘himself’ shows that the reflexive ziji ‘self’ must refer to the real self whereas the anaphor ta-ziji ‘himself’ may refer to a duplicated self. This conclusion implies that identity and (co)reference must be viewed as decomposable and nonmonadic notions. We claim that the difference between ziji ‘self’ and ta-ziji ‘himself’ can be derived from the linguistic representation of animate entities in terms of time-slices.; Finally, we study Binding Condition C in ACD constructions and related anaphoric binding phenomena. We first argue that a certain type of MCCCs can be analyzed as an ACD construction. We then show the range of syntactic/semantic complexities in MCCCs, including the obviation of Binding Condition C, Dahl's Puzzle, and the obviation of Dahl's Puzzle. A PF-Deletion analysis which assumes QR is proposed. The motivation for QR in LF pied-piping fashion in MCCCs is to satisfy the LF Identity Condition on Ellipsis, and QR must be subject to the principles of Economy. The interaction between QR in LF pied-piping and Economy consideration provides explanation for the obviation of Binding Condition C shown by MCCCs. The LF Identity Condition on Ellipsis must apply to the output of Heim's (1998) Locality Condition on Variable Binding such that, after the point at which the derivation branches out to PF, a new LF cycle begins and proceeds in ‘reverse c-command’ fashion.