| Previous research (Bhatt 1999, Hacquard 2006) identified a class of perfective implicative constructions (e.g. root modals, permit on its 'make possible' reading), that show an intriguing correlation between matrix Perfective/Imperfective Aspect and implicative behavior across typologically diverse languages. Marked with the Perfective aspect, these constructions entail the actualization of their infinitival complement. With the matrix Imperfective, the complement entailment is not forced. This dissertation examines perfective implicative constructions in Russian based on a set of original data with the verb pozvoljat' 'permit'. Russian perfective implicatives contain overt aspectual marking both in the complement and in the matrix, and therefore pose a challenge to the existing account of the phenomenon (Hacquard 2006) that derives complement entailment with the PERF by moving a unique Aspect from the complement to the matrix. This dissertation proposes an alternative account of perfective implicatives based on empirical similarities between perfective implicatives and ordinary accomplishments (build a bridge). It is shown that in both constructions Perfective vs. Imperfective aspect receive the same range of contrasting readings and that Perfective/Imperfective aspect marked on a perfective implicative verb has the same effect with respect to the actualization of the complement, as the Perfective/Imperfective on an ordinary accomplishment with respect to culmination entailment. According to the analysis of perfective implicatives proposed in this dissertation, the similar effects of Perfective/Imperfective morphology in accomplishments and perfective implicatives are principled and rooted in two major factors: uniform compositional contribution of aspect across all occurrences, and analogous principles of event composition in accomplishments and perfective implicatives. Assuming for perfective implicatives accomplishment-like event structure makes the aspectual interpretation of sentences with perfective implicatives predictable given the independently motivated semantics of Perfective/Imperfective aspect in Russian. The account proposed in this dissertation contributes to the understanding of the effect of aspect in perfective implicatives by examining Imperfective readings (progressive, durative, iterative and statement-of-fact) that have not been covered in the literature in relation to these constructions. |
