On The Phenomenon Of Sluicing In Chinese

This thesis conducts a thorough investigation of the phenomenon ofSluicing in Chinese. Sluicing is an elliptical construction that involves aremnant wh-phrase followed by an elliptical constituent or an emptyconstituent. By the existence of Sluicing in English and the universality oflanguages, we propose that Sluicing exists in Chinese as well. Caution shouldbe paid that English Sluicing and Chinese Sluicing are different to someextent, namely, some Chinese Sluicing sentences need "shi" support but theEnglish counterpart does not pattern alike, which reflectively reveals thecharacteristics of individual languages.This thesis gives an overview of the two commonly adopted approachesin the analysis of Sluicing: PF Deletion Approach and LF Copying Approach.The former argues that Sluicing is derived from two full-fledged conjuncts atD-Structure (DS), then the remnant wh-phrase moves to the front of theembedded clause at S-Structure (SS), and finally the element of the secondconjunct which is identical with the first is deleted and the remnant wh-phraseis left behind at Phonetic Form (PF). The latter alternatively states that theremnant wh-phrase is base-generated in[Spec, CP] and its interpretation relieson a special copying rule that operates in the covert syntax. As English is awh-moving language and Chinese is a wh-in-situ language (Haegeman 1991),William (1977), Chao (1987), Lobeck (1995, 1997), Chung, Ladusaw & McCloskey (1995)are inclined to analyze Sluicing based on LF CopyingApproach. Basing on the arguments by Ross (1967, 1969), Postal (1970,1972), Kim (1997), Lasnik (2001), Merchant (2001), we claim that Sluicingshould be analyzed under PF Deletion Approach.This thesis further analyzes the difference between Sluicing in Chineseand in English. We observe that there exists an argument-adjunct asymmetryin Chinese Sluicing, namely, those wh-phrases originated from argumentposition need shi support otherwise the sentences become ill-formed whilethose originated from adjunct position do not need any. This thesis thenproposes four possible approaches (VP-fronting approach, Cleft approach,Focus movement approach, and Pseudo-cleft approach) to the explanation ofSluicing in Chinese. It is proved that focus movement approach is the rightone to address Sluicing in Chinese. This thesis also discusses the focus naturein Chinese and proposes focus projection in Chinese Sluicing. Focusprojection is located between Complementiser Phrase (CP) and InflectionalPhrase (IP).Supporting evidence is also provided in the thesis, such as the multiplewh-constructions, proving that the movement of wh-phrases in Chinese isarguably to be focus movement. This thesis continues to explore shi supportwhich is believed to be unique in Chinese, providing a clear picture of theproperty of shi in common sentences and in Chinese Sluicing. Finally, thisthesis concludes that Sluicing does exist in Chinese and it should be analyzed under focus movement approach.