The Spatial Practice Of Street Vendors From The Horizon Of Everyday Life

The formation of urban space is a process,which is shaped by different social forces.The Bottom-up practice has also profoundly changed space compared with capital or power,reflects the grassroots power of the city,and brings more vitality to urban space.Therefore,researchers need to find theory and horizon to deeply analyze the practice process of bottom-up shaping urban space,and need to reveal the social and cultural significance and power relationship contained in this process through specific cases.In some cities in China,street vendors have created snack night markets by occupying space,which are vivid materials to gain insight into the bottom-up processSpatial practice is an important theory to explain the bottom-up shaping process.The concept of spatial practice is elaborated by Henri Lefebvre and De Certeau,and it is particularly concerned by geographers and urban researchers.Spatial practice refers to the process of space use,occupation by people with certain identity characteristics or behavioral mechanisms and reproduction of social relations.Identity difference,space occupation and reproduction of social relations constitute the theoretical dimensions of spatial practice.Everyday life is the philosophical foundation of spatial practice theory,and it is also the realistic background for understanding spatial practice.Therefore,from the horizon of everyday life,an analytical framework of spatial practice covering daily experience,daily mobility and daily politics is constructed.The vendors of Kaifeng snack night markets present a specific process of spatial practice.The study found that:(1)Most of the early night markets vendors were Hui people and Han people with the characteristics of inheritance of skills.It reveals that the daily experience of family culture inheritance plays a key role in shaping the identity of early vendors.Later vendors shape their identity through daily contact observation,using a broader network of social relations,showing that they have more diverse social interactions;(2)The everyday moving of vendors is characterized by short distance and slow speed.The reason lies in the restriction of objective means of mobility or the willingness to move long distances because of caring for the family.The spatial distributions of the Old Night Markets are very similar to that of the mosques,originating from the close movement of the early Hui-dominated vendors.This pattern reveals that Kaifeng snack night markets have ethnic economic characteristics.The relocation of merchants from the old night markets and the sort-distance mobility promote the formation of the new night markets.(3)The management department determines the macro-boundary of night market and promulgates a series of institutions to distinguish vendors inside and outside the border,which shapes the "merchants" and "wandering hawker","lessors" and "tenants".At the micro level,the management department has transformed its power differences into the internal contradictions of the merchants,but instead exerted its mediation role to construct its own authority.The management’s allocation of time makes the merchants consciously "obey the rules" and balances the space use conflicts between commuters and nearby residents.I use the Spilt-Accumulate Method to present of the merchant’s life rhythm,showing an increasingly tense or regular rhythm,reveals that the more tense and regular the rhythm,the stronger the external pressure.It is worth noting that the study shows that mobility interweaves identity,process and power,and it’s an important dimension for insights into everyday life and space significances,mobility helps to integrate cultural significance and social relations from the perspective of human beings.Finally,the thesis discusses the theoretical enlightenments and realistic meanings of spatial practice.