A Syntactic-semantic Perspective To VP-ellipsis In The Transformational-Generative Framework

The study of VP-ellipsis dates back to the 1970's (e.g. Hankamer and Sag 1976). The previous approaches usually focus on either syntactic or semantic aspect but not both. It is suggested that VP-ellipsis cannot be adequately accounted for under either of them. In this dissertation, a syntactic-semantic approach will be presented, namely, the [+tense] theory: to allow VP-ellipsis, the part preceding the elliptical component must undergo specifier-head agreement. The prerequisite for this relation is that the functional category T is of the property [+tense]. There are two types of functional categories T of that feature: finite T and infinitive particle to in control infinitives. Particularly, it will be argued that infinitive particle to in control infinitives, different from what the conventional approaches have assumed, is of the property [+tense], and therefore, it allows ellipsis of VP complement.The proposed theory is put forward by synthesizing three theories, to be exact, the proposal of taxonomy of functional categories in Fukui & Speas (1986) , the argument in Lobeck (1991) & Saito & Murasugi (1990) that only functional categories that undergo specifier-head agreement can license ellipsis of their complement, the characterization of the interpretive difference in terms of the feature [+tense] between control infinitivals and raising infinitivals in Stowell (1982) .In addition to the syntactic feature of the VPE construction, the semantic aspect is also tackled. I follow Ayumi Matsuo and propose that the temporal variable contained in the antecedent is copied into the empty VP when the target clause is interpreted. The variable serves to convey to a VP the information at what time that event takes place. Besides, as far as the semantics of VP-ellipsis is concerned, it is claimedthat the LF copying approach is preferred to the PF deletion approach.It will be shown that the [+tense] theory also fits properly into the Minimalist Program. After the discussion of the [+tense] theory, a large proportion will be contributed to the more complex Chinese ellipsis constructions, which will be considered in two types under the VP-shell theory: the elided part preceded by auxiliaries shi 'be/do' and the Chinese null object construction. The former type falls into the explaining scope of the proposed [+tense] theory, while the latter involves V-to-v raising plus deletion of the empty VP and therefore VPE takes place following a light verb instead of the Infl node as English VPE does. The difference between English and Chinese ellipsis of verbal phrases is argued to be attributed to the different positions of subjects in English and Chinese.